Dr. Hossein Fatemi (1919-1954, Persian Calendar 1298-1333) was an Iranian
journalist who became an active member of the democratic and nationalist movement led by
Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh; eventually serving in Mossadegh's cabinet
as Assistant to the Prime Minister, Tehran Deputy in the Majles [Parliament], and, at the
age of 33, as the youngest Foreign Minister in Iran's history.
A native of Naein, a small city in Esfahan province, and the youngest of five children,
Fatemi displayed unusually high self assurance and intelligence for his age, adored by his
father, and admired by even his school teachers. He moved to the city of Esfahan
for high school education, and worked at the office of Bakhtar, a newspaper owned
by his older brother, introducing him to the world of journalism.
After graduation, Fatemi moved to Tehran and began to work for Setareh newspaper,
and was soon writing for the editorial page. His criticism of Iran's social and political
conditions attracted the attention of government authorities, and he was investigated and
interrogated by Reza Shah's police. His brother, perhaps in part motivated by a desire to
protect him from possible harm by the government, asked him to move back to Esfahan and
take over the management of Bakhtar newspaper.
In the summer of 1941, in the wake of WWII and occupation of the country by British, Russian
and later American forces, Britain orchestrated Reza Shah's removal and exile, placing his
son Mohammad Reza on the throne. Reza Shah had risen to power through the help of the British,
but had exhausted his usefulness to their colonial designs. Reza Shah's departure resulted in
the dismantling of his police state apparatus, which improved the conditions for political
expression and allowed the 22 year old Fatemi, along with many others, to resume their
political activitism more openly.
One of Reza Shah's many victims was the progressive cleric Modarres, who had dared to oppose Reza
Shah's tyranny and had paid the ultimate price. Hossein Fatemi spoke at a memorial gathering held
for Modarres, giving a stinging condemnation of the crimes committed by the deposed Shah. Later that
evening, he was arrested by the notorious police chief Mokhtari, beaten and imprisoned. His loyal
sister, Saltanat, tirelessly campaigned for his release, which came about only when a new police chief
was assigned to the post.
In 1942, in order to have a greater journalistic impact, Fatemi transferred Bakhtar newspaper to
Tehran. In his first editorial, he wrote under the heading of "God, Iran, Freedom:"
"....with God's help, in service to Iran and freedom, we are entering the battle ground holding only a
pen in hand. We are aware of difficulties and obstacles in our path but ready to face them. Our main goal is to
serve the nation and the cause of freedom.... Without casting aspersions, with honesty and civility,
we will attack fearlessly and pull away the curtain to reveal the truth."
In 1944, Fatemi traveled to Europe, and after attending an international labor conference, began to study Law
and journalism in Paris. In his absence, the circulation of Bakhtar newspaper dropped significantly and
its publication ceased. Fatemi, however, continued to write articles regarding the important issues of the time,
including the worrisome situation regarding the separatist movement in Iran's Azerbaijan Province. The rebellious
movement was supported by Stalin's Soviet Union and the communist Tudeh party. These articles were featured in
Setareh newspaper and prominently in the weekly, Mard-e-Emrouz, headed by his friend, Mohammad Masoud.
While still in Paris, he received the grim news that Mohammad Masoud had been assassinated. The suspected assassin
was a secret Tudeh party member who was later convicted of the crime. In a letter to Nasrollah Shiefteh, his journalist
colleague in Iran, he wrote of his pain at the loss of his friend and how he had not only lost hope for his country,
but even for the human race as a whole.
In 1950, at the age of 31, Dr. Fatemi married Parivash Satvati, and two years later his son, Ali, was born.
In a short period of time, Dr. Fatemi became a prominent member of Mossadegh's democratic and nationalist movement. Dr. Mossadegh’s main agenda was to stop the looting of oil resources by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, and even more importantly their political interference into the Iranian body politic. However, no settlement was reached during their protracted negotiations. Faced with the British intransigence in negotiating a more fair agreement, Dr. Fatemi recommended that the oil industry be nationalized. On the eve of the Persian New Year [Norouz] on March 20, 1951, the National Front bill for oil nationalization was unanimously approved by the Majles deputies. A month later, the Majles nominated Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh to the position of Prime Minister, which he won by votes of nearly 90% of the representatives present.
Dr. Fatemi began serving as Assistant to the Prime Minister, and
accompanied Mossadegh at the United Nations Security Council in New York, where Mossadegh presented Iran's
case in her dispute with the British. After his return to Iran, Dr. Fatemi quit his government position in order to
participate in the 17th Majles election, and was elected as a Tehran representative.
On October 13, 1952, Dr.Fatemi in his role as Government spokesperson announced the discovery of a British
plot for a coup against the government. The Iranian members of the plot included
General Fazlollah Zahedi, General A. Hejazi and British spies, including known Anglophiles Habibollah Rashidian
and his two sons, Qodratollah and Assadolah. All were arrested with the exception of Zahedi who, as a senator,
had parliamentary immunity. This episode further damaged the already strained relations between Iran and Britain.
In the fall of 1952, only a few days after the 33 year-old Fatemi became the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Iran broke off diplomatic relations with Britain.
On August 16, 1953, at a quarter past midnight, Dr. Fatemi’s house was suddenly raided by thugs in
military uniforms with their guns drawn, who abducted him, barefoot, and took him to jail. Fatemi's arrest was part of a
coup plot against the government of Dr. Mossadegh, which had been planned, financed and directed by
the American CIA with the close participation of the British government and the Shah.
That day, Dr. Fatemi gave the most fiery speech of his life. He first profusely thanked the people of
Tehran and praised them for always being at the forefront of the national movement and in support
of the heroic son of the nation, Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh.
In his remarks, Dr. Fatemi directly attacked the Shah and his deceased father, Reza Shah, for their treachery against the nation and called for the monarch's abdication. He called the shah a traitor and a coward who abandoned the country at this crucial moment and fled to the nearest British embassy he could find. The same day, throwing all caution to the wind, Dr. Fatemi wrote a strongly worded editorial in Bakhtar-e-Emrouz titled "Give me death or give me Freedom." He explained how the midnight invasion of his house by 50 or 60 Imperial Guard soldiers had frightened his wife and their screaming infant son, who was less than one year old at the time. On the issue of what he thought of the Shah, he recalled a long meeting he had with the Shah at the palace only a few months earlier. In a frank discussion, he accused the monarch of collaboration with the British against the elected government of the country. He likened him to King Farouk of Egypt who chose to become a British lackey and lost his throne for turning his back on his people. He told the crowd that he had never bowed to the deceitful Shah who, like a beautifully marked snake, coiled in apparent fear, would strike at an opportune moment and deliver his lethal poison. He wondered what else was left for the Shah and his family to extract from the nation’s hungry and barefoot people, whose money had paid for the guns of the Imperial Guard soldiers, now being used against them. He even called on Mossadegh and rhetorically asked how much more patience the nation must endure and how long they must witness the atrocities committed by the royal court? He called upon the nation to awaken from their long sleep and regain their lost historical glory. In the following two days, Dr. Fatemi’s editorials had the same tone and expression of rage toward the monarch. In the last issue, published on August 18th, he blasted the destructive history of 150 years of imperial Britain in the east and sharply criticized the Shah, as well as his sister and mother for their "crimes against the people of Iran and freedom". He charged the Shah's court with acting as a British embassy and declared the Shah's willingness to push a dagger in the heart of his countrymen whenever he could.
"Long live freedom, long live Mossadegh, Iran forever."
"If nationalization of oil is considered to be a great service to the Iranian nation, we must give thanks to the person who initiated the idea, the nation's martyr, Dr. Hossein Fatemi. During the long collaboration of this great man with me, I never witnessed the slightest crack in his determination or hesitation in his loyalty."
In 1948, Fatemi returned to Iran after being awarded a Doctorate degree in Law and a degree in Journalism. He resumed his
journalistic career by publishing a newly established newspaper called Bakhtar-e-Emrouz, a melding of both Bakhtar
and Mard-e-Emrouz.
In mid 1949, Dr. Fatemi was invited as a journalist to attend a meeting at the house of nationalist leader Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh, who had returned to active participation in politics after years in exile or prison following Reza Shah's abdication. The meeting organizers had invited a mixed group of progressive journalists and recently elected minority deputies to the 15th Majles [Iranian parliament] for a strategy session. This may have been the first time Dr. Fatemi met Dr. Mossadegh, whom he had previously recognized in his writing as a true leader of the nationalist movement. During this meeting Dr. Fatemi suggested the formation of a coalition party to include different groups with a common view on some fundamental national issues. A few days later in another meeting in Dr. Mossadegh's house, "Jebhe Melli" [National Front] was born. In order to reach the goals set, Dr. Fatemi emphasized the need for freedom, independence and social justice as its core values. He was given the responsibility of promoting the National Front platform, and his paper Bakhtar-e-Emrouz became its unofficial newspaper.
While attending the anniversary of his assassinated journalist friend, Mohammad Masoud on February 16, 1952, Dr. Fatemi himself became the target of an assassination attempt. The assailant was a 16 year-old with a 4th grade education who was a member of Fedayan-e-Islam, a violent religious cult. Dr. Fatemi suffered extensive abdominal injury and underwent emergency surgery at the Najmieh Hospital, a charity hospital founded by Mossadegh’s mother. Although he survived the assassination attempt, he spent nearly a year in the hospital and never fully recovered.
The nation awakened to the news of the aborted coup as broadcast by Tehran Radio at 7:00 A.M. The events created a tense atmosphere in the country, and an uncertain mood prevailed. Iranians were shocked by the news but generally happy that the coup had failed. In Tehran, crowds appeared in the streets expressing pro Mossadegh and anti-Shah sentiments. In the afternoon a large crowd demonstrated in Baharestan square in front of the Majles. They listened to speeches by Dr. Fatemi and two other pro-Mossadegh deputies.
The heavily bearded Fatemi was arrested around 9:00 AM and taken to police headquarters. While being transferred
to prison that afternoon, in a pre-arranged set up, a large group of pro-Shah mobs welcomed him with shouts of
insults and threats of violence. As the handcuffed Fatemi was being led down the stairs by the policemen, about a
dozen hoodlums, including their leader, Sha’ban Jafari, rushed toward him. Sha’ban, also known as "the Brainless"
and his followers began beating and stabbing Fatemi, who was left unprotected by the policemen responsible for his
transfer. His sister, Saltanat, who was witnessing the event later said that she ran toward her brother and used
her body to shield him from repeated blows and in the process was herself injured. Years later, in an interview
conducted in California, Sha’ban admitted that he personally beat up Fatemi that day but denied using a knife against
him or his sister.
Badly wounded, Dr. Fatemi was taken to an army hospital, but was moved to the prison before receiving
adequate medical attention. His sister's relentless effort to get medical care for her brother paid off when
two partly independent physicians visited Dr. Fatemi at the prison and recommended that he should be sent back
to the hospital. Dr. Fatemi was taken back to the hospital, where he was unexpectedly visited by Dr. Ayadi, the
Shah's personal physician. Dr. Ayadi accomplished his mission and cleared him for military interrogation. The Shah
wasted no time and personally ordered the start of the interrogation in preparation for a secret military trial.
Behind closed doors, the short trial of Dr. Fatemi and two other defendants started on September 29, 1954 (7 Mehr 1333).
Clearly in pain and unable to walk, he was brought to the court on a gurney carried by several soldiers.
Most of the charges against Dr. Fatemi were related to his activities following the failed first coup attempt on August 16. The overarching charge was his activity against the foundation of the government and inciting the population to an armed uprising against the power of the monarchy. Dr. Fatemi was convicted and sentenced to death. The other two defendants, both of whom had participated along with Dr. Fatemi in front of the Majles by giving speeches, each received a 10-year prison term. Dr. Fatemi's legal appeal was rejected, and he refused to apply for clemency from the Shah. He said that he had not committed a crime and would not beg for pardon. The British government recommended death for Dr. Fatemi, reasoning that as long as people like him are around, there exists a possibility of a counter coup. Loy Henderson, the American ambassador to Iran, who thought of Dr. Fatemi as the brightest member of Mossadegh’s team, worried that if Fatemi remained alive he could be a catalyst for the creation of a coalition of communist and nationalist forces. The Shah himself reserved his harshest revenge for Fatemi and had told Kermit Roosevelt, the CIA leader of the coup, that Fatemi would be executed. The prominent progressive Ayatollah Zanjani, the person most in touch with Dr. Fatemi during his incarceration, struggled to save Dr. Fatemi from facing the firing squad. He even asked the highest ranking pro-Shah Ayatollah, Boroujerdi, for help. Boroujerdi wrote to Zanjani that the British are filled with revenge, the Shah is too weak, and nothing can be done about it.
On November 10, 1954 (19 Aban 1333), at the age of 35, still suffering from his injuries and with a fever,
Dr. Fatemi faced the firing squad. While being tied to a post and moments before eight bullets pierced
his body, he reportedly shouted:
Dr. Hossein Fatemi was a brilliant, highly ethical, and courageous nationalist who favored a more robust and revolutionary approach to solve Iran’s problems. Years before in a Bakhtar article, he wrote that the country needs a revolution and the blood of sacrifice to water the nation’s tree of freedom. He was the imaginative brain behind the many initiatives of Mossadegh's government, among them the formation of the National Front, the idea of oil nationalization, election reform, expulsion of the British from Iran, and reliance on an "economy without oil." Dr. Fatemi was born into a low income family, and lived modestly throughout his lifetime. Like Dr. Mossadegh, he refused to receive any salary while working in the government. In his memoirs, Mossadegh wrote of Dr. Fatemi,
Related links:
Books by and About Dr. Fatemi [Mossadegh Library]
Photos of Mossadegh and Dr. Fatemi Visiting the United States, Fall 1951
Iran's Decade of Assassinations: 1946-1955
MOSSADEGH t-shirts


