Australian Senate on Iran Oil Crisis (1951)
| Arash Norouzi The Mossadegh Project | June 6, 2026 |
Australians fought in both world wars and the Korean War. In 1951, the government was reviewing the country’s defensive capabilities. High on their radar was the tense standoff between Britain and Iran over oil nationalization, and the
possibly of a direct confrontation with Russia. Amid calls for Commonwealth solidarity, a minority recognized the validity of the Iranian perspective.
• Australian House of Representatives | IRAN | 1951
• Australian House of Representatives | IRAN | 1952
• Australian Media Archive | IRAN | 1951-1954
July 13, 1951
DEFENCE PREPARATIONS BILL 1951.
Senator AYLETT.— ...I claim to be 100 per cent British and Australian but in Australia we claim the right to govern ourselves and to control our own internal affairs. There would be trouble if an outside power interfered with what we
were attempting to do in this Parliament. Yet Great Britain and other countries have objected to the Persian Government taking certain action in the interests of Persia. What would have been the attitude of honorable senators if another
country had told the Australian Government that it must not attempt to nationalize the banks, a large number of whose shares are held by people who live abroad?
William Edward Aylett (Tasmania)
Alister Maxwell McMullin (New South Wales)
Donald MacLennan Grant (New South Wales)
Harrie Seward (Western Australia)
James Michael Sheehan (Victoria)
Senator McMULLIN.— In approaching this important measure it is wise for us to take a look at the present world situation in order to ascertain to what degree the Government’s proposals are warranted. I shall not weary honorable senators with a review of world affairs. I need only remind them that conditions to-day in Persia and the Near East contain the makings of a third world war. None of us should be blind to that fact. We know only too well that at any time the other side might choose we could become involved in another conflagration. Therefore, having regard to the international situation, it is wise for us to assess our preparedness to meet possible hostilities. There can be no doubt that in the event of the outbreak of a third world war we shall have very little time to get ready. In these circumstances we should urgently examine the state of our national defences. We should survey conditions to ascertain how best we can intensify our defence preparedness without materially interfering with our internal economy. That will involve a considerable amount of organization. Of necessity, we must divert materials into right channels and ensure that the most effective use shall be made of those materials. It is to be regretted that we are confronted with this task, but the present situation is so serious that we have no alternative but to tackle it.
Senator GRANT.— ...I hope that the Minister for Trade and Customs will tell us in his reply to this debate the reason for the Government’s volte face. What has happened in the world? Are the Russians going to attack Persia? If so, let us know about it. If there is to be a war, Labour will give every possible assistance to the Government, but surely honorable senators opposite do not expect us to support the granting of almost unlimited powers to the Government in the present circumstances.
Senator SEWARD.— ...The Government is responsible for ensuring that Australia shall be ready to go to war if, unfortunately, the necessity to fight should be forced upon us. If the decision to wage war rested with us, of course there would be no need for this bill. But such decisions will be made, not in Australia, but on the other side of the world. As Senator McCallum has already pointed out, acute tension exists in Persia to-day. If, unfortunately, some person committed an irresponsible act in that country, such as shooting a Persian national, the whole world may be plunged into war within a short period. Must we wait until the world is precipitated into another conflict before we prepare this country’s defences? I venture to say that at the present time Australia is ill-prepared.
Senator SHEEHAN.— ...The Prime Minister said that it was necessary to prepare for the emergency of war; that for reasons he had previously elaborated there is a grave danger of war; and that— [apparently
quoting Robert Menzies]:
“Korea, Malaya, Indo-China and Persia, added to the early events in Czechoslovakia and Middle Europe, make up a pattern of planned aggression no less menacing than the events of 1935-39.”
July 14, 1951
DEFENCE PREPARATIONS BILL 1951.
Hon. William Patrick Ashley (New South Wales)
John Archibald McCallum (New South Wales)
Justin Hilary O’Byrne (Tasmania)
Senator ASHLEY.— ...Of course, there may be another war. Who can say when or where a war may break out? But we are not justified in interfering with the whole economy of the nation merely because there is a dispute somewhere in the
world such as that in Persia. There have always been international disputes and tensions. Indeed, there has generally been a war going on somewhere in the world, but no previous Australian Government ever felt it necessary to seek such
extraordinary powers at a time when Australia was itself not directly involved. If the Government has any real reason for taking this proposed action, it should take members of the National Parliament into its confidence, even if it be
necessary to hold a secret session of the Parliament for the purpose...
Senator McCALLUM.— ...To-day, war comes like a bolt from the blue. We do not know everything that is in the mind of the Kremlin, but we do know that there is aggression in Asia. It may be that there is a parley in Korea only because the enemy is preparing to strike somewhere else. Persia is a danger spot, and possibly more than that. A war is going on in Indo-China. [Vietnam] Honorable gentlemen opposite say that the democratic forces are fighting a battle for imperialism, but in fact they are fighting a battle for civilization. War is going on under the British flag in Malaya. [Malaysia] It is war by midnight assassination and murder, but it is our war. Everywhere there is aggression...
Senator O’BYRNE.— ...From what we can learn from the published draft of the proposed treaty it is clear that the Government is prepared to trust the Japanese and to extend the hand of friendship to them. At the same time, however, the Government says the Malayans, Persians, Koreans and Indo-Chinese are beyond the pale. When those peoples speak of peace they are branded as Communists. The Government says that we cannot call them our friends. Is not Australia a signatory to the United Nations Charter, which guarantees self-determination and self-government to subject peoples? While we subscribe to the Charter, we should not try to run the whole world. Any one with half an eye can see that the whole of East-Asia is now undergoing a transformation. Why? The disturbances that are occurring in East Asian countries had their origin in the reaction of the peoples of those countries to the injustices and exploitation to which they had been subjected for centuries. But for the initiative of the Labour Government of Great Britain, we should not have been able to reach a compromise with the people of India. I admit that that compromise is uncertain. Nevertheless, as a result of it India, Pakistan and Ceylon remain within the British Commonwealth of Nations on a basis of equality and friendship. That has been of great benefit to democratic countries, the governments of which would be well advised to adhere to such a policy. On the contrary, however, the Prime Minister (Mr. Menzies), in introducing this measure in another place, declared that conditions in Malaya, Indo-China and Persia may involve us in war by 1953... [Robert Menzies]
October 24, 1951
ESTIMATES AND BUDGET
Keith Alexander Laught
(South Australia)
Robert Hurley Wordsworth
(Tasmania)
Senator LAUGHT.— The occupation of this country by Europeans dates back for only about 160 years, but during that period, little by little, control of Australia by Great Britain has been shed, and responsibility for the administration
and control of this continent has been assumed, first by the various colonies, and later by the States and the Commonwealth. Our assumption of responsibility has been voluntary and gradual, but in these days ever-increasing
responsibilities are being thrust upon us. Since the debate on the Estimates and budget papers was commenced the Egyptians have spurned British rights and challenged British might in the Suez Canal area. The Egyptian Government has
abrogated a long standing treaty with Great Britain. Only about a month ago the Government of Persia broke a solemn commercial contract in which British interests were involved. The events that are taking place in Persia and Egypt may
have world-wide repercussions. Within the last four weeks great responsibilities have been thrust upon this country because without the normal contractual British control of the Suez Canal contact between this country and Great Britain
and Europe would be very seriously prejudiced. That is why I stress the importance of defence preparations and the defence vote. I am taking some pains to refer to these matters in the hope that the people of Australia will quicken
their interest in national affairs. They should have the fullest information concerning the purposes for which defence preparations are required.
Senator WORDSWORTH.— ...Furthermore, we are entitled to expect more moral support from those countries in our international dealings. Because of the situation in Persia, support from Pakistan, which occupies a prominent position in the
Mohammedan world, would be particularly appreciated at the present time. One good turn deserves another...
...I am extremely pleased that more money has been made available for defence. There is no need for me to enlarge on the complexities and dangers of the world situation to-day, particularly in the Middle East. Indeed, the events of the
past two months, and in particular the
assassinations of the former Prime Minister of Persia, [Ali Razmara] who was favorably disposed towards the democracies, of King Abdullah and of
Liaquat Ali Khan, prove that world tension is very high in the Middle East. That part of the world, of course, is vitally important to Australia and to the democracies generally.
The time has come for us to face up to facts, and
I was extremely pleased with the statement made by the Prime Minister (Mr. Menzies), in the course of which he made very clear our position vis-a-vis the Middle East and especially towards the situation in Egypt. I am only sorry that
this attitude was not adopted at the beginning of the Persian crisis. I am quite certain that had we made a show of force that crisis could have been ended very quickly in our favour. The time has come when we must take a stand. We
cannot allow countries with which we have agreements to treat them as mere scraps of paper. Our very existence depends on maintaining a footing in the Middle East, and we are largely dependent on the maintenance of oil supplies from
that area. The British by moving out of Persia have placed themselves at a grave disadvantage. It has been said that if Britain had put troops into Persia it might have started a third world war. My own opinion is that it would not have
done anything of the kind unless Russia were ready for a third world war, and if Russia were ready it would not have waited for the Persian crisis or the Egyptian crisis. Russia is quite capable of manufacturing a crisis itself when it
wants one.
The Suez Canal is vital to us in peace and in war. It is vital to us in peace because it is our main line of communication by sea with Europe, and the Middle East is also our main line of communication with Europe by air. Unless we
study this situation we shall not realize how important the Middle East is to us. The situation in Egypt might even have a bearing on the proposed Royal visit to Australia next year. I do not believe that the people of Great Britain
would allow their future Queen to travel through that part of the world if British troops were not stationed there. In time of war we should be at a grave disadvantage if we evacuated the Middle East. Russia could put its paratroops
into the Suez Canal area, and into vital oil areas in the Middle East, within a few hours. It could put a motorized division there within a few days, and an armoured division there within four or five days. If Great Britain evacuated
all its troops from the Middle East it could not replace them in an emergency within a matter of weeks.
Britain has been accused of imperialism in wanting to maintain forces in the Suez Canal area, but Britain is only asking that the provisions of an existing treaty with Egypt be observed. In Persia, also, Britain asked only that the
treaty with that country be observed. I am very pleased that Australia’s attitude to those problems has been made clear. Australian troops fought in World War I and World War II. It seems very probable that if there is to be a third
world war Australian troops would again fight in that area.
• Source: Commonwealth of Australia Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives Official Hansard
[Transcribed and annotated by Arash Norouzi]
Related links:
Military Situation In the Far East | U.S. Senate Hearings, May 1951
Australia and the Middle East | The Advertiser, Oct. 15, 1951
Iran and “The Basic Anti-Imperialist Nature of America” (1952)
MOSSADEGH t-shirts — “If I sit silently, I have sinned”


