Senator Bernie Sanders, the self-described “Democratic socialist” from Vermont, former Mayor of Burlington and Congressman, has served in the House of Representatives longer than any other Independent in its history. Now, he is running for President of the United States as a Democrat.
After over four decades in politics, Sanders is endowed with a thoroughly progressive track record. He strongly opposed the disastrous Vietnam war in the early 1970's, and was one of the few to vote against the first Persian Gulf War in 1991 and the Iraq War Resolution of 2002 on grounds which now appear prophetic.
At the time, years before ISIS rampaged the area, Sanders asked, “Who will govern Iraq when Saddam Hussein is removed and what role will the U.S. play in ensuing a civil war that could develop in that country? Will moderate governments in the region who have large Islamic fundamentalist populations be overthrown and replaced by extremists?”
The same year, prior to the attack against Iraq, Sanders reminded Congress of the “unintended consequences” of past U.S. interventions, including the 1953 coup in Iran, among other misadventures.
In 2007, Sanders introduced a resolution to demand that the Bush administration consult Congress before initiating war with Iran, a potentially “horrendous disaster” which would be “the last thing in the world we want.”
Sanders has called the U.S. invasion of Iraq “the worst foreign policy blunder in modern American history.”
As the Iran talks developed, Sen. Sanders continued to vigorously defend the diplomatic course in nuclear negotiations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. He conscientiously skipped Binyamin Netanyahu’s March 2015 speech before Congress on Iran, delivered by the Israeli Premier without first consulting with Pres. Obama. Sanders called the snub “insulting”, “completely unacceptable”, and “not a good thing for our country.”
When 47 Republican senators signed a defiant open letter to Iran only days later, Sanders condemned it as a deliberate attempt to “sabotage” a deal and make war inevitable.
During his Presidential campaign thus far, Sanders has already conjured the overthrow of Mossadegh (along with Allende, Arbenz and others) eight times — including three Democratic debates and one Town Hall viewed by millions on television. The extent to which he has inserted this history and its dangerous aftermath is unprecedented in the history of U.S. Presidential elections.
Sanders believes the fight against global terrorism, such as the threat posed by ISIS, is a responsibility which should be shared principally among a coalition of nations — particularly in the Middle East itself — not a burden carried by the United States alone.
“We cannot and should not be involved in perpetual warfare in the Middle East,” says the Senator.
Interview on Democracy Now! Philadelphia — November 28, 2016
AMY GOODMAN: And I know we just have a few minutes, but this is an historic period. Fidel Castro just died on Friday at the age of 90. During the campaign, Hillary Clinton tried to redbait you by raising your support of the Sandinistas and talking about you being favorable towards Fidel Castro. But I was wondering if you could talk about the significance of the life and legacy of Fidel Castro and talk about the U.S. in relation to Latin America today.
BERNIE SANDERS: Well, it’s not just Latin America. You know, I think what we can say—and I’ve been to Cuba two or three times. I think Jane and I went in 1989 for the first time, and I’ve been back a couple of times, and Jane had some educational work in Cuba. A lot of positive things that can be said. Their healthcare system, for a Third World country, is quite good. It’s universal: all people have healthcare without any expense. Last time I was there, I visited a hospital, where they do very, very serious and good work. They come up with a lot of new drugs, actually, in Cuba, I believe. Their educational system is strong. But in truth, their economy is in pretty bad shape. And in truth, you don’t do very well if you dissent in Cuba.
So I think, you know, if you look over Castro’s long life, he overthrew a terrible dictator, supported by the United States of America, Batista. Some very positive changes came about. And we can argue ‘till the cows come home to what degree American interference created the kind of society that exists in Cuba today. So that you could say there are some positive things in Cuba, some very negative things. Fifty years after the revolution, people still can't dissent with freedom. The economy is terrible.
But I think it raises the question—I was on a Sunday show yesterday, and somebody was raising a quote that I made about Castro 30 years ago. And, you know, somehow, they have decided that Fidel Castro is the only—that Cuba is the only nondemocratic country in the world. See, Saudi Arabia is fine. [audience laughter] Many other countries in the Middle East are fine... And what we need to do, as a nation, is really start educating the American people. You know, Amy, I’m sure, that in 1954, way back when, we overthrew a democratically elected government in Guatemala, which unleashed decades and decades and decades of horror in that country, supported terrible people in El Salvador. [Contras] We engineered the overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile—democratically elected, the first time a person democratically elected in Chile was overthrown through the United States and the CIA. But those issues somehow don’t quite make it onto ABC. But I think it is important to understand our role in the world. In Iran, we overthrew—what was it? 1954?—Mr. Mossadegh...
AMY GOODMAN: 1953.
BERNIE SANDERS: ‘53, Mr. Mossadegh. And how many people are familiar with that? Did people know that? Good. Not a lot of people—certainly, young people don’t know that. But in 1953, at the bequest of British oil companies, [BP was the only oil company involved] the United States government helped engineer a coup of a guy who was democratically elected, who was thinking about nationalizing some of the oil industry there. [The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company refinery in Abadan was nationalized in April 1951] He was replaced by the Shah, who turned out to be a very brutal, brutal man, which then resulted in what we have today with Khomeini coming to power. But these are issues that virtually do—correct me if I’m wrong—have you seen many shows about that on NBC? You know, it’s just not something to be talked about.
AMY GOODMAN: Tune into Democracy Now!
BERNIE SANDERS: All right. [audience laughter]
AMY GOODMAN: It’s a good show. [cheers and applause]
Live Interview on The Young Turks March 23, 2016
CENK UYGUR: ...Should you fight back harder, [during candidate interviews] and say, ‘Hey, wait a minute, you’re biased against me and I’m going to call you out on it’?
BERNIE SANDERS ....Maybe I should say, ‘hey, shut up, what you’re talking about is irrelevant to where the American people are. Let me tell you what’s going on in this country.’ Maybe I should do that. But trust me, virtually every interview we do, we have to fight.
You know, in this one, [with CNN, see below] I think what I ended up doing is saying what I was talking about is whether or not we think it’s proper for the United States to go around overthrowing governments. Whether it’s the Bay of Pigs in Cuba, whether it’s overthrowing Salvador Allende, overthrowing Mossadegh in Iran, or whatever it may be...
The Final Five CNN — March 21, 2016
ANDERSON COOPER: I want to follow up to a question you were asked at the debate in Miami recently. The moderators played a video of you from way back in 1985, in which you praised Fidel Castro, you said he educated their kids, gave them healthcare, totally transformed their society... Do you think the Cuban revolution was good for the people of Cuba?
BERNIE SANDERS: Look, you know, the Cuban revolution took place, what was it, in 1959...it was a long time ago. What I said—the main point that I made, Anderson, is that I don’t think the United States of America should go around overthrowing governments.
I think the Bay of Pigs was a disaster. I think the overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile was a disaster. I think the overthrow of the democratically elected President in Guatemala, Jacob Arbenz, [Jacobo] was a disaster. I think the overthrow of the democratically elected Prime Minister in Iran was a disaster. [Mossadegh]
So I don’t think the United States has the legal or moral right to go around overthrowing governments, and I think very often, those efforts have backfired, bringing about a whole lot of instability in regions throughout this country.
Hardball with Chris Matthews (MSNBC) University of Chicago — February 25, 2016
CHRIS MATTHEWS: Let me ask you about the role of Commander-in-Chief, however. Can you see yourself — I’ve heard your speeches [and they] are resounding and you have a powerful message and an agenda probably clearer than most candidates have ever had. When it comes to the job, it brings certain responsibilities you may not look for, but you’re going to get.
SANDERS Of course.
MATTHEWS: Sitting in the Situation Room, calling in a lethal drone strike. Can you see yourself in that position now?
SANDERS: Absolutely, absolutely. Look, I am proud of my achievement in terms of foreign policy. I’ve been all over the world, talked to a whole lot of people.
Chris, as you well know, the most important decision that Congress made in many, many years in terms of foreign policy was the war in Iraq. Now, it’s not just that I voted against the war, which was the right vote. It’s not just that I led the opposition, helped lead the opposition against the war. Check out what I said on the floor of the House. Check out what I feared would happen the day after Saddam Hussein, a vicious dictator, was overthrown. Pretty good judgment. And I think when you talk about my views now and how we destroy ISIS through a coalition, through Muslim troops on the ground, I think my positions are pretty clear, and in fact right.
MATTHEWS: How do we — you as President convince our potential adversaries and current ones that we’re not a country and you’re not a person to be messed with? How do you establish that — remember, Kennedy [JFK] got in trouble because [of] the Bay of Pigs, then came the Cuban Missile Crisis. Once you look weak, then they come at you...
SANDERS: Well —
MATTHEWS: How do you deal with that?
SANDERS: Well, first of all, I don’t know that I accept your basic assumptions here. Obviously, anyone who knows my political history, I’ve taken on every special interest in this country. I am fairly tough guy. When I was mayor of Burlington, I take on everybody.
SANDERS: I am prepared to take on Putin and everybody else. But let’s —
MATTHEWS: How do you let them know that?
SANDERS: You let them know that we have the strongest military in the world. We have a great military and we are prepared to use that when necessary.
But let me also say, that I think that the kind of regime change that the United States has brought forth over many, many years has been in many respects counterproductive, all right? It’s not the war in Iraq and the overthrowing [of] Saddam Hussein, that was a terrible mistake, leading to where we are today.
You go way back and you talk about the overthrowing of Mossadegh. You remember Mossadegh in Iran?
MATTHEWS: Right, I know all about it...
SANDERS: Oh, he was — he wanted to nationalize oil there. The British were upset. The Eisenhower administration worked with them. And you know we ended up with?—Khomeini. All right?
We overthrew Salvador Allende in Chile, who was elected democratically. And you know what we ended up with? A lot of anti-American sentiment in Latin America.
So, what foreign policy is about is not just power. It is judgment. I think we got to be a little bit careful about regime change. Hillary Clinton sees as a mentor of hers, Henry Kissinger. So, let me be very clear: I do not see Henry Kissinger as a mentor of mine. I think he was one of the worst Secretaries of State in the history of this country.
MATTHEWS: Well, let’s add to the list: Arbenz down in Guatemala...
SANDERS: That’s right, exactly.
MATTHEWS: Let’s talk about that. Let’s talk about Trujillo. [Rafael Trujillo, President of the Dominican Republic, assassinated in 1961] We had something to do with that baby.
SANDERS: That’s right!
MATTHEWS: And something to do probably with Patrice Lumumba [Democratically elected Prime Minister of the Congo overthrown by the CIA].
SANDERS: That’s it. [Points and nods in agreement]
MATTHEWS: We had a long history of – but now we have something as you say regime change. So, instead of unofficial or official assassination policy, we now have a regime change policy. You know I’m looking at Libya, what did you think of that?
SANDERS: Not much.
MATTHEWS: We ended up killing the leaders anyway. We got rid of Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein —
SANDERS: And what happened? And what happened the day after? Look, you know, Saddam Hussein, a brutal murdering thug, no question about it. Gaddafi—equal, bad guy. So, you know, Hillary Clinton and other people worked hard, they got rid of him. He was killed. And what happened right now? ISIS now has a foothold in Libya, which can be a testing ground, an operational strength, stronghold for them in terrorist attacks.
So, here’s the point. All of us agree you got a lot of bad, bad people running countries around the world. But it’s not good enough to say ‘Assad is a terrible guy’. He is. What happens the day after Assad is gone? What is the best way to transition to democracy?
So, on this area, I would say Hillary Clinton and I have a difference. It’s not just the war in Iraq which she supported, I opposed. It is: I am a little bit more cautious in terms of regime change.
MATTHEWS: So, you’re sitting in the White House and you’re reading the Op-ed page of The Washington Post or The New York Times or The Wall Street Journal, and they start the drum beat for another regime change. You know what happened last time, page after page —
SANDERS: You got it, man.
MATTHEWS: — day after day, they start pounding the door. They said, “We got to get rid of Bashar Assad.” What do you do?
SANDERS: You stand up to them. Look, you’re absolutely right. The war drums for the war in Iraq, I remember it like it was yesterday.
SANDERS: Initially, the American people were very nervous about that war. You remember that?
MATTHEWS: I remember it all.
SANDERS: And the media kept pounding, ‘Well you’ve got to be tough and he’s a terrible guy and they have weapons of mass destruction!’
The trick is not just to understand that we’ve got a lot of bad people around the world. The trick is to what?—understand what happens the day after you get rid of those people. This is a lesson I think I have learned not just from Iraq. It’s a lesson I knew a long, long time ago.
CNN Democratic Town Hall Columbia, South Carolina — February 23, 2016
CHRIS CUOMO: Now I know this was a while ago, but it’s been reported that in 1974 —
BERNIE SANDERS: That’s a while ago. [audience laughter]
CHRIS CUOMO: You said the CIA is “a dangerous institution that has got to go.” You went on to say the CIA was “accountable to no one, except right-wing lunatics who use it to prop up
fascist dictatorships.” Do you stand by those comments that you said back then?
BERNIE SANDERS: No, I don’t. That was 40 years ago. Since then I’ve served eight years as mayor of the city of Burlington. I’ve spent 16 years in the House, and nine years in the United
But let me tell you this. I do have concerns about past activities of the CIA. CIA was involved in the overthrow of a gentleman named Mohammad Mossadegh way back when in Iran. Overthrew
him, on behalf of British oil. And you know what happened? That led to the Iranian revolution, and where we are today.
The CIA was involved in the overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile. A democratic candidate, he won a fair election—CIA overthrew him. So I have a lot of problems with some parts of our
history, which continues, by the way, to the present.
CHRIS CUOMO: But the institution itself, of the CIA?
BERNIE SANDERS: The CIA plays an important role. But have they done things which they should not have done on behalf of the United States government? Absolutely.
6th Democratic Presidential Debate University of Milwaukee (Wisconsin) — February 11, 2016
But this is nothing new. [U.S. regime change policies] This has gone on 50 or 60 years where the United States has been involved in overthrowing governments. Mossadegh back in 1953 — nobody knows who Mossadegh was — democratically elected Prime Minister of Iran. He was overthrown by British and American interests because he threatened oil interests of the British. And as a result of that the Shah of Iran came in — terrible dictator — result of that: you have the Iranian revolution coming in, and that’s where we are today. UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES.
So I believe, as President, I will look very carefully about unintended consequences. I will do everything I can to make certain that the United States and our brave men and women in the military do not get bogged down in perpetual warfare in the Middle East.
3rd Democratic Presidential Debate St. Anselm College, New Hampshire — December 19, 2015
Look, the Secretary is right. [about the difficulties in Libya] This is a terribly complicated issue. There are no simple solutions. But where we have a disagreement is that I think if you look at the history of regime changes, you go back to Mossadegh in Iran, you go back to Salvador Allende who we overthrew in Chile, you go back to overthrowing Saddam Hussein in Iraq, you go back to where we are today in Syria with a dictator named Assad. [President Bashar al-Assad]
The truth is it is relatively easy for a powerful nation like America to overthrow a dictator, but it is very hard to predict the unintended consequences and the turmoil and the instability that follows after you overthrow that dictator. So, I think Senator Clinton and I have a fundamental disagreement. I’m not quite the fan of regime change that I believe she is.
Georgetown University Speech Washington, DC — November 19, 2015
I am not running to pursue reckless adventures abroad, but to rebuild America’s strength at home. I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will never send our sons and daughters to war under false pretense or pretenses about dubious battles with no end in sight.
And as we discuss foreign policy, I know that all of you share with me your shock and your horror at what happened in Paris, and you share with me your condolences for the families who lost loved ones, and your hopes and prayers that those who were wounded will recover. And also those same thoughts go out to the families of those who lost loved ones in the Russian flight that we believe was taken down by an ISIS bomb, and also those who lost their lives to terrorist attacks in Lebanon and elsewhere.
To my mind, it is clear that the United States must pursue policies to destroy the brutal and barbaric ISIS regime, and to create conditions that prevent fanatical extremist ideologies from flourishing. But we cannot — and should not — do it alone.
Our response must begin with an understanding of past mistakes and missteps in our previous approaches to foreign policy.
It begins with the acknowledgment that unilateral military action should be a last resort, not a first resort, [applause] and that ill-conceived military decisions, such as the invasion of Iraq, can wreak far-reaching devastation and destabilization over regions for decades.
It begins with the reflection that the failed policy decisions of the past — rushing to war, regime change in Iraq, or toppling Mohammad Mossadegh in Iran in 1953 . . . Mossadegh was the President, [Prime Minister] the CIA and others got rid of him to protect British Petroleum interests, the Shah of Iran came in, a brutal dictator, and he was thrown out by the Islamic Revolution and that is where we are in Iran today. Decisions have consequences, often unintended consequences.
So whether it was Saddam Hussein, or Mossadegh, or Guatemalan President Árbenz in 1954, [Jacobo Árbenz] in Guatemala, Brazilian President Goulart in 1964, [João Goulart], Chilean President Allende in 1973 [Salvador Allende] . . . this type of regime change, this type of overthrowing governments we may not like, often does not work, often makes a bad and difficult decision even worse. These are lessons we must learn.
2nd Democratic Presidential Debate Drake University, Des Moines, Iowa — November 14, 2015
JOHN DICKERSON (Moderator): You criticized then Senator Clinton’s vote. [authorizing the war in Iraq] Do you have anything to criticize in the way she performed as Secretary of State?
BERNIE SANDERS: I think we have a disagreement, and the disagreement is that not only did I vote against the war in Iraq. If you look at history, John, you will find that regime change—whether it was in the early ‘50’s in Iran, [1953: Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh] whether it was toppling Salvador Allende in Chile,  whether it is overthrowing the government of Guatemala way back when [1954: Jacobo Árbenz] — these invasions, these toppling of governments, regime changes have unintended consequences. I would say that on this issue, I’m a little bit more conservative than the Secretary ... and that I am not a great fan of regime change.
Opposing the Invasion of Iraq U.S. Congress — September 6, 2002
“What we do know is that things sometimes do not turn out the way we want. We should remember the lessons of some of our earlier military and political actions.
In 1953, the United States engineered the overthrow of Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh and installed the Shah of Iran. This precipitated a series of events which years later led to the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in Iran and eventually a revolution that installed the Ayatollah Khomeini and his repressive regime. All Americans remember the seizure of our embassy in Tehran.
U.S. bombing in Cambodia during the Vietnam War destabilized the moderate Sihanouk government, [Norodom Sihanouk] allowing the Khmer Rouge to come to power and leading to the deaths of millions in the Killing Fields.
In the 1980’s, we supported Islamic fundamentalists [the Taliban] against the Soviets occupying Afghanistan, including providing training and arms to one Osama bin Laden.
The point is that military and political actions sometimes lead to outcomes we cannot predict and that can bring about even greater danger and instability.”
On CIA Intervention C-SPAN Interview — February 3, 1989
“If you trace the history of the United States vis-a-vis Latin America and Central America, there has never been a time when a country made a revolution for the poor people where it was not overthrown by the CIA, or the United States government, or the Marines.
Salvador Allende was democratically elected by the people of Chile. He made the mistake of believing that his job as president of that country was to represent the people of Chile. And he did his best. And he was overthrown by the CIA.
So the interesting question is why does the United States government think — whether it’s Nicaragua or any other country in Latin or Central America — that it has the right to overthrow those governments.”
Bernie Sanders on U.S. Foreign Policy, Militarism (1972)
“I have spoken out consistently against the barbaric war in Vietnam and against our entire foreign policy of support to military dictatorships throughout the world. Not only is our foreign policy morally bankrupt –– but it is bankrupting us financially. We spent more on the military every day then we spend on the entire budget for the state of Vermont for a year.”